Articles by Members of the Young Ottoman Scholars Society

By Shintya Ramadhani
From: Pekanbaru City, Riau Province, Indonesia
Attending: Sultan Syarif Kasim State Islamic University Riau, Faculty of Ushuluddin, Department of Quranic Studies and Tafsir
Age: 20 years old

The Tomb of Teungku Chik in Bitay is located in Turkish Housing, Bitai Village, Jaya Baru District, Banda Aceh City, Aceh Province, Indonesia. Teungku Chik in Bitay, whose full name was Muthalib Ghazi bin Mustafa Ghazi. This tomb is not only the final resting place of a respected scholar but also a silent witness to the deep historical connection between the Aceh Sultanate and the Ottoman Empire during the 16th century.

Background of Ottoman Aid to Aceh

Teungku Chik and the Ottoman forces were first called to Aceh following a letter sent by Sultan Alauddin Riayat Syah al-Kahhar to Suleiman the Magnificent in 1564 (possibly earlier). In the letter, Sultan Alauddin requested military assistance from the Ottoman Caliph to counter the growing Portuguese threat in Southeast Asia. Sultan Alauddin referred to the Ottoman ruler as the “Khalifah of Islam”, reflecting the deep political and spiritual ties between the two empires.

In response, Suleiman the Magnificent sent military aid, including soldiers, weapon-makers, engineers, and scholars to strengthen Aceh’s defense. After Suleiman’s death in 1566, his son Selim II continued his father’s policy and dispatched a fleet to Aceh in 1567, carrying soldiers, engineers, and essential military supplies to help Aceh in its battle against Portuguese colonialism.

It is told that Bitai was home to 300 Ottoman military experts who came to Aceh during the reign of Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent. Bitai was located near the capital of the Aceh Sultanate and is remembered as the place where the Ottomans settled in Aceh. Upon arrival in Aceh, Bitay became the primary settlement for the Ottoman forces, who did not return to Turkey. The village’s name was later derived from Baitul Maqdis (Jerusalem), which gradually transformed into Bitay. Bitay also became known as the center of Zawiyah (Islamic academies) in Aceh and a place for military training, known as Bayt al-Askari Muqaddas. In addition to being a military training center, Bitay was also used for manufacturing military equipment, including the traditional Acehnese weapon, “rencong”.

Around 100 Turkish military instructors were specifically sent to train Acehnese forces in both the army and navy. Teungku Chik and other scholars played crucial roles in spreading Islam and introducing Ottoman culture to the people of Aceh. Teungku Chik became an integral part of this mission, staying in Aceh to teach religious knowledge and spreading the intellectual principles of Islam from the Ottoman world.

Military and Cultural Ties Between Aceh and the Ottomans

Historically, the Aceh Sultanate and the Ottoman Empire were two significant Islamic powers that cooperated in resisting Portuguese imperialism in the Southeast Asian region. Ottoman forces not only provided military assistance but also contributed to transforming military knowledge, particularly in weaponry and military education. One key achievement was the establishment of Bayt al-Askari Muqaddas, a military academy that produced Acehnese military leaders.

In addition to military assistance, the Ottoman expedition to Aceh facilitated intellectual and cultural exchanges between the two empires. The Ottomans brought advanced military technology, including weapons and fortifications, which strengthened Aceh’s defenses. This relationship also helped facilitate trade, with Aceh becoming one of the main trade routes linking the Islamic world from the Middle East and South Asia to Southeast Asia.

In terms of religion, the arrival of Ottoman scholars like Teungku Chik strengthened the spread of Islam in Aceh. They not only contributed to religious education but also brought the cultural influence of the Ottomans in various aspects of Acehnese life, including Islamic law, art, and architecture.

The Tomb of Teungku Chik as a Symbol of Brotherhood

This tomb, along with other Ottoman sites in Aceh, is a reminder of the longstanding friendship between the two great empires, who supported each other in the fight against Portuguese imperialism. It has become a highly respected site for the people of Aceh, and it is also of great interest to historians who wish to study international relations during this period.

Conclusion: The Tomb of Teungku Chik in Bitay as an Everlasting Historical Trace

The Tomb of Teungku Chik in Bitay is not only a historical site but also a symbol of the deep brotherhood between the Aceh Sultanate and the Ottoman Empire. Its location in Bitay, a village that became the center for Ottoman forces and scholars, reflects the close relationship between the two major Islamic powers of the 16th century. Through military assistance and the spreading of Islam, Ottoman scholars and military personnel, including Teungku Chik, played a vital role in strengthening Aceh’s defense and enriching its Islamic culture and traditions.

The Tomb of Teungku Chik in Bitay also serves as a silent witness to the joint resistance of Aceh and the Ottomans against Portuguese colonialism, as well as their combined efforts to strengthen Islam in the archipelago. As part of the Turkish Housing complex, this tomb reminds us of the significant contributions of Ottoman military experts, scholars, and leaders who settled in Aceh, leaving behind a profound cultural, intellectual, and spiritual legacy.

As a symbol of a long-standing friendship, the tomb is now a revered site for both the people of Aceh and researchers. It serves as an important reminder of the meaningful historical relationship between Aceh and the Ottoman Empire and how these two great Islamic powers united to fight for independence and faith.

References

1.  Reid, Anthony. “Turkey as Aceh’s Alternative Imperium.” Archipel, Vol. 87, 2014, p. 91.
2.  “Makam Teungku Chik di Bitay, Bukti Sejarah Kedekatan Kesultanan Turki dan Aceh pada Masa Lalu.” Serambi News, Selasa, 15 Februari 2022, 19:15 WIB. https://www.serambinews.com
3. Wikipedia contributors. “Ottoman Embassy to Aceh.” Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ottoman_embassy_to_Aceh
4. “Berziarah ke Makam Pejuang dan Ulama Turki Utsmani di Banda Aceh.” 29 April 2024, 21:54 WIB. https://www.acehportal.com
5. Norman, Iskandar. “Teungku Chik Di Bitay dan Jejak Turki di Aceh.” 14 September 2021. https://www.portalsatu.com

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Some images used on this blog are sourced from the internet and are assumed to be in the public domain. We make every effort to ensure proper attribution, but if you are the owner of an image and believe it has been used without proper permission, please contact us so we can give proper credit or remove the image as requested.

By Rameen Kamran
From: Islamabad, Pakistan
Age: 17 years old

Harem served as the residence of the wives, concubines and slaves of the Ottoman sultan. But it was much more than just a dwelling place for the Sultan’s women. While often depicted as oppression on the women, the harem was, in fact, a place of learning and enlightenment. Through the confined spaces the residents of the harem managed to influence the politics and the social dynamics of the empire. Women held a multifaceted and often an underestimated role.  The dynamics of the harem were complicated; there was a constant struggle to get authority and the favor of the Sultan. 

The Harem Hierarchy

A harem was the place of political intrigue and constant struggles. It included the women of the sultans. There were odalisques or virgins, concubines, ikbals (the sultan’s favorites) and Kadins, the official and legal wives of the sultan. In addition to this there were eunuchs who were the guards of the harem. On the top of the pyramid was the sultan’s mother or the Valide Sultan. The Valide enjoyed immense power over the Sultan. Furthermore, the concubines who gave birth to sons were given more importance to the ones who gave birth to daughters.

The Importance Of The Harem

The Ottoman harem served as a representation of the Sultan’s power and affluence. The concubine system ensured the continuity of the imperial lineage and through the male heirs.

The Power Of The Harem

At the acme of the ottoman empire in the 16^th and the 17^th centuries, there was period known as the sultanate of women starting with Suleiman I’s Haseki, Hurrem Sultan and constituted of other influential women. These were wives, mothers or the concubines of the Ottoman Sultans. During this time, these women held enormous political power and influence and they often made important decisions for the empire. 

Kosem Sultan was the wife and the most dependable advisor of Ahmed I. She is also said to be responsible for ending the centuries old tradition of fratricide. Later, she became the regent for her son, Murad IV and grandson, Mehmed IV. Kosem held political power and continued to fashion several domestic and foreign policies of the empire. One of the other authorities of this period was Turhan Sultan. She served as a regent to her son Mehmed IV and made the fortifications of the Ottoman military stronger. All these women held powers in the appointments and dismissal of the important posts.

By using their connections, women of the imperial Ottoman harem exhibited their sway on the politics. 

The Valide Sultan, being on the top of the harem hierarchy had the access to the outside world and would attend ceremonies. Both the Haseki and Valide Sultan had the way to the Sultan’s ear, rendering them extremely important in the court politics. The women contributed massive amounts to charity and architecture. Hurrem Sultan commissioned the mosque complex known as the Haseki Sultan Complex. This included a hospital and kitchen for the poor. 

Education Of The Women

In the early years of the empire, women were not given any formal education. The Palace harem served as a center of learning for the women. Though the they were not permitted to leave the confined space, the slaves and concubines were given complete education. They were taught embroidery, reading, writing and many other arts. 

Conclusion

The harem not only served as the lodgings for the Ottoman women, it was also the place for political sway and influence. The Sultan often turned to his women for advice and they were more trusted than the viziers in the court. Despite having enormous power, the women remained behind the scenes and were not credited with their contributions. It reflects how the role of the women was influential and constrained at the same time. By studying the harem through a political and social lens, we get deeper insights to the nuances of the Ottoman civilization and its legacies that continue to resonate today.

References

1. Ali, Fatima “The Ottoman’s Harem as an Institution of Female Elevation in the Power Politics.” Journal of Historical Studies (Volume II), 2020, (Jul-Dec 2020)
2. Peirce, Leslie P. The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire. Oxford UP, USA, 1993.
3. Yenen, Serif. “The Harem of the Ottoman Sultan.” https://privateguidesofeurope.com, 1 Mar. 2021,

Please note that the images taken in this article are from a public domain. The original owners of the pictures are respected.

Some images used on this blog are sourced from the internet and are assumed to be in the public domain. We make every effort to ensure proper attribution, but if you are the owner of an image and believe it has been used without proper permission, please contact us so we can give proper credit or remove the image as requested.

By Yavuz Tandoğan
From: Trabzon
Attending: Boğaziçi University, İstanbul
Age: 20 years old

In May of 1867, Emperor Napoleon III of France resolved to extend an invitation to Ottoman Empire, His Imperial Majesty Sultan Abdulaziz to attend an international industrial exposition to be held in Paris. This gesture was intended not only to restore the waning political ties with the Ottoman Empire following the Crimean War but also to grace Paris and the French Empire with the presence of an Ottoman Sultan and Caliph, thereby bestowing upon the fair an unparalleled honour.

Nevertheless, according to the longstanding tradition of the Ottoman state, it was unheard of for sultans to venture abroad for the purpose of travel. As a result, both the Sultan and the members of the royal family were initially reluctant to endorse such an expedition.

Diplomatic Expediencies of State

Ottoman statesmen believed that this journey would yield significant diplomatic advantages. They contended that through this official visit, the peaceful and liberal inclinations of the Ottomans could be effectively communicated to foreign dignitaries, thereby showcasing the progressive reforms undertaken by the Empire to the European powers. Furthermore, the trip was seen as an opportunity to diminish European support for Russia, which had aligned against the Ottoman Empire in the ongoing Cretan crisis and the Montenegrin Rebellion, while also swaying public opinion in France—a nation aligned with Russia in foreign policy—in favour of Turkey. Additionally, the journey was anticipated to facilitate the procurement of European loans to support government expenditures. Therefore, the Grand Vizier of the time, Ali Pasha, along with the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Fuad Pasha, endeavoured to persuade the Sultan regarding a potential journey to Europe. It was equally imperative for the Sultan to witness firsthand the material advancements of the Western world, to gain insight into the European monarchical systems, and to cultivate personal acquaintance with the rulers of Europe.

Meanwhile, Queen Victoria of Britain, upon learning of the French Emperor’s invitation to the Sultan, swiftly extended her own invitation for a visit to London. Sultan Abdulaziz, perceiving these consecutive invitations as aligned with the interests of the state, graciously consented to accept both of them.

The Grand Europe Tour

Sultan Abdulaziz arrived at Dolmabahçe Palace with his state officials following a ceremonial event held after the afternoon prayer in Ortaköy on June 21, 1867. Thereafter, he commenced his grand European journey by boarding the imperial yacht, Sultaniye. Accompanying the Sultan on his journey were Crown Prince Murad Efendi (the future Sultan Murad V), Prince Abdulhamid Efendi (the future Sultan Abdulhamid II), the Sultan’s eldest son, Prince Yusuf İzzeddin Efendi, and Mehmed Fuad Pasha. 

The Sultan, having been received with great ceremony in Dardanelles the following day, arrived at the Sicilian port of Messina on June 25, escorted by both the Turkish and French naval fleets. On June 28, he reached Naples and, on the subsequent day, arrived at the port of Toulon in France, where he disembarked. Greeted with an official ceremony, the Sultan then proceeded to Paris by train, travelling via Marseille. 

The Turkish delegation, having arrived in Paris on June 30, was met with great and distinguished enthusiasm. Following his reception by Emperor Napoleon III at the Gare-de-Lyon, the Sultan proceeded to the Tuileries Palace, where he was presented to Empress Eugénie. Subsequently, he took residence at the Élysée Palace, which had been specially assigned for him. The following day, the Sultan, accompanied by the Emperor and Empress, observed the military parade held in his honour at Concorde Square. Thereafter, he had an audience with Tsar Alexander II of Russia, who was already present in Paris. 

During his ten-day stay in France, the Sultan made many gifts to the servants and various people in need. He visited Paris and the Palace of Versailles, attended theatres, exhibitions and balls. As recorded in the travel diaries, Crown Prince Murad Efendi, a handsome young man who spoke fluent French, attracted great attention from French society during the trip. 

A farewell dinner was hosted in the Sultan’s honour at the Tuileries Palace. One of the main topics of discussion was the Cretan issue, which was already highly contentious. Napoleon III made the following remarks regarding the conflict: “Your Excellency, the most effective resolution to the Cretan issue would be to cede the island to Greece.” In response, Sultan Abdulaziz expressed his displeasure, stating: “The Ottoman Empire has fought for Crete for twenty-seven years. Every inch of Crete’s soil has been soaked with the blood of martyrs. I shall continue to fight until no soldier remains in my armies and no vessel is left in my navy. If necessary, I will abandon Crete only under such dire circumstances.” Consequently, the Emperor felt compelled to apologise.

Sultan Arrives in Britain

The following day, on July 10, Emperor Napoleon III bid farewell to the Sultan and the other guests, who then departed from Paris and embarked at Boulogne. After crossing the English Channel and reaching Dover, escorted by the French and British navies, the Sultan was graciously received by the British heir, Prince Edward and the Khedive of Egypt.

Sultan Abdulaziz arrived in London on July 11 and took up residence at Buckingham Palace. The following day, he was received by Her Majesty Queen Victoria of Great Britain, who accorded him a splendid welcome ceremony. That evening, the Sultan attended a grand banquet given in his honour by the Prince of Wales. The next day, the Sultan and the Queen went for a ride together along the River Thames in the royal barge.

The Order of the Garter, the most esteemed state order of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, was conferred upon Sultan Abdulaziz by Queen Victoria. Besides that, the Queen proposed the notion of forging a kinship bond between the two dynasties by marrying a lady from the British Royal Family to Crown Prince Murad Efendi. However, the Sultan did not look favourably upon this matrimonial alliance.

During his eleven-day visit to London, the Sultan participated in numerous official engagements, including invitations to balls, theatres, exhibitions, and concerts. He met with a variety of foreign diplomats and representatives from various communities. The Sultan, alongside the Queen, observed the manoeuvres of the British navy and subsequently visited the shipyards in Portsmouth. He also attended sessions of the House of Commons and listened to debates among MPs. He visited London City Hall as well, where he was honoured with the title of Honorary Citizen of London. During his stay in England, the Sultan generously donated 2,500 Ottoman gold coins to those who served him and to the needy. 

Before leaving, the Sultan paid a visit to the residence of the late former Prime Minister Lord Palmerston who passed away two years prior, and extended his condolences to the family. He was known for his pro-Turkish and anti-Russian stance in European diplomacy during his time in office. The policy he followed had solidified the high regard held for him by Turkish authorities.

Final Days of Tour

On July 23, the Sultan and the Turkish delegation departed London and travelled from the port of Dover to Calais, France, escorted by the British navy. The next day, they proceeded to Brussels, where the Sultan dined with King Leopold II of Belgium before continuing on to Koblenz, Prussia, later that day. Upon his arrival in the city on July 25, the Sultan was greeted by King Wilhelm I of Prussia and Queen Augusta. During his stay, the Sultan participated in various festivities, conducted an inspection of the Prussian army, and, after a leisurely excursion on the Rhine River with Wilhelm I, departed the city for Vienna. 

Arriving there on July 28, the Sultan was received with a grand ceremony attended by Austro-Hungarian Emperor Franz Joseph I, archdukes, and members of parliament. He remained in Vienna for three days, during which he explored the city, undertook a brief tour of the walls of Vienna Castle, and observed the artillery manoeuvres of the Austrian Army. 

On July 31, the Sultan arrived in Budapest, an old Ottoman city, via ferry across the Danube River and took part in the official ceremonies. Hungarian noblemen, attired in Turkish-inspired dress and armed with swords, welcomed the royal fleet. Hungarian people expressed their gratitude to the Turkish Sultan for the protection of the Hungarians who had sought refuge in Ottoman lands in 1849.

On August 3, the Sultan crossed the Danube to Vidin by ferry once again and finally stepped into Ottoman territory. The next day he disembarked in Ruse, where he was welcomed by the Grand Vizier, the Ministers and the Romanian Prince Carol. 

Back To Istanbul

Continuing on its way via Varna, the royal fleet ultimately entered the Bosphorus on the morning of 7 August. The Sultan’s return to the capital was announced with cannon fire from the castles along the Bosphorus. The people greeted their Sovereign with peerless fervour at the Dolmabahçe Palace pier, where they assembled in a throng of monumental grandeur. The words that Sultan Abdulaziz said while getting off the ship would go down in history as an expression of a bitter truth: “Our ancestors once embarked on horseback with the aim of conquest. Now we can only go by train or ferry for politics!…”.

In tribute to the Sovereign’s return, celebrations were held in the city over the course of three days.

Some images used on this blog are sourced from the internet and are assumed to be in the public domain. We make every effort to ensure proper attribution, but if you are the owner of an image and believe it has been used without proper permission, please contact us so we can give proper credit or remove the image as requested.

By Kadir Yilmaz
From: Genk, Belgium 
Age: 25 years old

Abstract

In the late 14th century, the Ottoman principality had already grown into a well-organized state that formed a major political power in Anatolia. Besides Anatolia, the Ottomans had also an interest in the West. Here (in the west) the Ottomans tended to systematically conquer the Balkan and to make the Balkan their homeland. Although the powers in the Balkan were divided and in competition, these powers had one common ground, their religion. The Ottomans were forming a threat to this common ground, in the Balkan. In the end, it was not possible to prevent clashes of major powers in the Balkan (Marica in 1371 and Bileça in 1388). These clashes eventually led to the Battle of Kosovo in 1389. This battle, which was fought between the Ottoman-Anatolian forces under the command of Ottoman Sultan Murad I against a combination of knights coming from several kingdoms and principalities in the Balkan, under the command of Prince Lazar from Serbia, was a battle that played a crucial role in the determination of the future of the Ottoman state in the Balkan. 

The purpose of “Battle of Kosovo (1389): A short analysis” is to find answers to five questions, to reach a basic understanding of the first Battle of Kosovo. 

Introduction

The victory in 1371 near the Marica River, made the path open to old-heart Serbia for the Ottomans. However, the only obstacle for the Ottomans was the Serbian Prince Lazar Hrebljanovic, who had his principality and saw himself as the new leader of the Serbians.¹ The Ottomans on the other hand, under the leadership of Sultan Murad I, focused on a swift victory in the Serbian territories, to prevent an unstoppable attack from the Balkan in the future. These events eventually led to the Battle of Kosovo (1389).²

The Battle of Kosovo (1389)

Question 1: What causes led to the Battle of Kosovo?

With the Ottoman victory against the Kingdom of Serbia near the Marica River (1371), the Serbian Kingdom was disintegrated into several principalities. Consequently, Ottoman Sultan Murad I ordered raids into Bosnian and Serbian territories. However, one of these raids, under the command of Kavala Sahin, was stopped during a skirmish near Bileça (1388) by the troops of King Tvartko of Bosnia.³

After this Ottoman loss, Sultan Murad I suspected the making of an alliance between King Tvartko of Bosnia and Prince Lazar of Serbia. To not give the enemy time to strengthen and organize, Sultan Murad I ordered his army to prepare for a major attack on the Balkan.⁴ At the same time, the Sultan ordered Grand Vezir Çandarlı Ali Pasha in the winter of 1388-1389, to attack Bulgaria and to prevent Tsar Ivan Sisman from joining a possible Bosnian-Serbian alliance.⁵

Question 2: What do we know about the parties participating in the Battle of Kosovo? 

As part of the war preparations, Sultan Murad I ordered his two sons, Prince Yıldırım Bayezid (governor of the provinces Germiyan and Hamid) and Prince Yakub Çelebi (governor of the province Karasi) to join him on this campaign in the Balkan. Alongside his sons, the Sultan also invited West Anatolian principalities to join him.⁶ It is not exactly clear which principalities participated in this campaign, as several sources, Ottoman and Serbian, have cited different combinations of Anatolian principalities. However, based on the contemporary work of the Serbian Marko Pecki, we can say that seven Muslim forces did join this campaign⁷, of which one was the Ottoman principality. The number of the remaining forces (six) could be a reference to the Anatolian principalities, which match well (in number) with the enumeration of most of the Ottoman and Western sources.⁸ Besides the Turkish forces, the Sultan could also count on the support of non-Turkish forces such as the forces of King Marco of Macedonia and Kostantin Dejanovic from Bulgaria.⁹

On the other hand, we have the forces of Prince Lazar, which was a combination of knights of several kingdoms and principalities from the Balkan. In summary, Prince Lazar had gotten support from Serbian, Bosnian, Croatian, Albanian, Bulgarian, Hungarian, and Czechian knights.¹⁰ In this alliance, the knights of King Tvartko of Bosnia, under the command of Vlatko Vukovic and Vuk Brankovic (son-in-law of Prince Lazar) would play a crucial role.¹¹

Although sources on both sides claim that their army was smaller than the enemy¹², the two armies were probably equally sized, with a size of approximately 30.000 soldiers.¹³

Question 3: Where and when did the Battle of Kosovo take place? 

The Battle of Kosovo took place on the Kosovo Polje (field of the blackbirds), west of the city of Pristina and north of Prizren (nowadays Kosovo). This full-fledged battle in the heartland of Serbia occurred in June 1389.¹⁴ The exact date of the battle is open to discussion. Even though, western contemporaneous historians set the date for this battle on 15th June, the day of St. Vitus¹⁵, other historians find this to be wrong. The argument is that 15th June is the outcome of a miscalculation due to the use of a different calendar by Western sources. Thus, according to these historians, the correct date is 28th June.¹⁶

Question 4: Which course did the Battle of Kosovo take and what was the outcome of this battle?

In June 1389, the two powers were facing each other on the Kosovo Polje. The battle began with the artillery attack of the Ottomans. As a reaction to this, the Serbian cavalry started attacking the Ottoman troops. Subsequently, the left flank of the Ottomans launched an arrow attack, to stop the Serbian cavalry. The attack of the Ottomans led the cavalry to focus on the Ottoman left flank, which was commanded by Prince Yakub Çelebi. Prince Yakub Çelebi had struggled to hold the Serbian cavalry but with no success. As the left flank of the Ottomans had been pushed back, Prince Bayezid, who had not yet participated in the battle, organized a powerful attack, aiming to protect the falling left flank. The counter-attack of Prince Bayezid successfully pushed the troops of Prince Lazar back and led to the desertion of Vuk Brankovic and the Bosnian knights under the command of Vlatko Vukovic.¹⁷ The battle lasted for eight hours¹⁸ and led to many losses on both sides.¹⁹

At the end of the battle, the Ottoman Princes were chasing the fleeing enemy. It was at this time that while Sultan Murad I was walking on the battlefield, he was assassinated by the wounded Serbian nobleman, Milos Obiliç. Immediately after the assassination, Prince Bayezid was called to the tent of his dying father. The severely wounded sultan gave his son his last wishes, as well as the leadership of the Ottoman state. As a reaction to the death of his father, Bayezid ordered the immediate death of Prince Lazar. Furthermore, Bayezid called upon his brother Yakub Çelebi, who was chasing the enemy, to the tent of his father. Prince Yakub Çelebi, who had probably no clue of his father’s death, entered the tent of his father and was immediately executed by choking. The reason for the death of Prince Yakub was simply the fear of an uprising for the Ottoman throne.²⁰

Question 5: What are the consequences of the Battle of Kosovo?

Although most sources state that the Battle of Kosovo was a decisive Ottoman victory, it would take Sultan Bayezid time to make the principality of Prince Lazar a vassal state of the Ottomans (1390). Furthermore, Vuk Brankovic would rule independently over his territory until 1392. The reason for the slowdown of the activities of Sultan Bayezid in the Balkan depends on the chaotic end of the Battle of Kosovo, which had led to instability in the east. Thus, Sultan Bayezid had to restore the Ottoman authority in the east for several reasons: the assassination of his father, the death of his brother, and the uprising of the Anatolian principalities to seize more territory.²¹

Together with the battle of Marica (1371), the Battle of Kosovo is the battle that decided the future stay of the Ottomans in the Balkan.²² More specifically, the victory at the Battle of Kosovo led to the breakdown of the resistance of the feudal principalities in south Serbia, the opportunity to extend into south Serbia, and the opening of the northern doors of Serbia.²³

Endnotes

• 1.  Emmert, T. (1991). “The Battle of Kosovo: Early reports of victory and defeat”, Kosovo, Legacy of a Medieval Battle, ed. W. Vucinich-T. Emmert, Minneapolis. 
• 2.  Emecen, F. (2024). KOSOVA SAVAŞLARI. In TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi (pp. 1–4). https://islamansiklopedisi.org.tr/kosova-savaslari. 
• 3.  Inalcık, H. (2010). Kuruluş Dönemi Osmanlı Sultanları 1302-1481 [Book; Print]. Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Araştırmaları Merkezi (İSAM). 
• 4.  Emecen, F. (2024). KOSOVA SAVAŞLARI. In TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi (pp. 1–4). https://islamansiklopedisi.org.tr/kosova-savaslari. 
• 5.  Inalcık, H. (2010). Kuruluş Dönemi Osmanlı Sultanları 1302-1481 [Book; Print]. Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Araştırmaları Merkezi (İSAM). 
• 6.  Uzunçarşılı, İ. H. (2023). Osmanlı Tarihi (1.cilt) Anadolu Selçukluları ve Anadolu Beylikleri Hakkında Bir Mukaddime İle Osmanlı Devleti’nin Kuruluşundan İstanbul’un Fethine Kadar (14th ed.). Türk Tarih Kurumu.
• 7.  Marko Pećki (1986), “Žitije svetog patrijarha Jefrema”, Šest pisaca XIV veka: Grigorije Raški, Jakov Serski, Siluan, Nepoznati Svetgorac, Monah Jefrem, Marko Pećki, haz. Dimitrije Bogdanović, Belgrad: Prosveta.
• 8.  Fırat, O. (2021). Çağdaş Sırp ve Dubrovnik Kayıtlarına Göre I. Kosova Savaşı. Güneydoğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi / the Journal of South-Eastern European Studies, 0(36), 83–96. https://doi.org/10.26650/gaad.866825. 
• 9.  Emecen, F. (2024). KOSOVA SAVAŞLARI. In TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi (pp. 1–4). https://islamansiklopedisi.org.tr/kosova-savaslari. 
• 10. Emecen, F. (2024). KOSOVA SAVAŞLARI. In TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi (pp. 1–4). https://islamansiklopedisi.org.tr/kosova-savaslari. 
• 11. Fırat, O. (2021). Çağdaş Sırp ve Dubrovnik Kayıtlarına Göre I. Kosova Savaşı. Güneydoğu Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi / the Journal of South-Eastern European Studies, 0(36), 83–96. https://doi.org/10.26650/gaad.866825. 
• 12. Uzunçarşılı, İ. H. (2023). Osmanlı Tarihi (1.cilt) Anadolu Selçukluları ve Anadolu Beylikleri Hakkında Bir Mukaddime İle Osmanlı Devleti’nin Kuruluşundan İstanbul’un Fethine Kadar (14th ed.). Türk Tarih Kurumu.
• 13. Emecen, F. (2024). KOSOVA SAVAŞLARI. In TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi (pp. 1–4). https://islamansiklopedisi.org.tr/kosova-savaslari. 
• 14. Bunting, T. (2024, July 9). Battle of Kosovo (1389) | Description & Significance. Encyclopedia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/event/Battle-of-Kosovo-1389-Balkans. 
• 15. Annales Ragusini Anonymi (1883), Vol. XIV of Monumenta spectantia historiam slavorum meridionallum (Zagreb). 
• 16. Emecen, F. (2024). KOSOVA SAVAŞLARI. In TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi (pp. 1–4). https://islamansiklopedisi.org.tr/kosova-savaslari. 
• 17. Feridun Emecen, “Balkanlar’da Yeni Bir Dönüm Noktası: Kosova Savaşı (1389)”, Savaşın Sultanları: Osmanlı Padişahlarının Meydan Muharebeleri, haz. Feridun Emecen, Erhan Afyoncu, I. 
• 18.Uzunçarşılı, İ. H. (2023). Osmanlı Tarihi (1.cilt) Anadolu Selçukluları ve Anadolu Beylikleri Hakkında Bir Mukaddime İle Osmanlı Devleti’nin Kuruluşundan İstanbul’un Fethine Kadar (14th ed.). Türk Tarih Kurumu.
• 19. Anonim (1993), “Zapis iz prologa”, Spisi o Kosovu, haz. Milka Ivić, Belgrad: Prosveta. 
• 20.Uzunçarşılı, İ. H. (2023). Osmanlı Tarihi (1.cilt) Anadolu Selçukluları ve Anadolu Beylikleri Hakkında Bir Mukaddime İle Osmanlı Devleti’nin Kuruluşundan İstanbul’un Fethine Kadar (14th ed.). Türk Tarih Kurumu.
• 21. Emmert, T. (1991). “The Battle of Kosovo: Early reports of victory and defeat”, Kosovo, Legacy of a Medieval Battle, ed. W. Vucinich-T. Emmert, Minneapolis. 
• 22. Uzunçarşılı, İ. H. (2023). Osmanlı Tarihi (1.cilt) Anadolu Selçukluları ve Anadolu Beylikleri Hakkında Bir Mukaddime İle Osmanlı Devleti’nin Kuruluşundan İstanbul’un Fethine Kadar (14th ed.). Türk Tarih Kurumu.
• 23. Emecen, F. (2024). KOSOVA SAVAŞLARI. In TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi (pp. 1–4). https://islamansiklopedisi.org.tr/kosova-savaslari

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Hanedanın en güzel sultanı 101 yaşında!

By Emirhan Özkır
From: İstanbul
Attending: İstanbul Medipol University, Faculty of Communication, Public Relations & Advertising
Age: 20 years old

Bugün 19 Eylül 2024, son Halife ile son padişahın dillere destan güzelliğiyle bilinen torunları Hanzade Sultan’ın dünyaya gelişinin 101.yıl dönümü.

Tam adı ile Zehra Hanzade Sultan bundan tam 101 yıl önce bugün 19 Eylül 1923 tarihinde Dolmabahçe Sarayı’nda dünyaya geldi. Babası Şehzade Ömer Faruk Efendi son Halife Abdülmecid Efendi’nin oğlu annesi Sabiha Sultan ise son padişah Sultan Vahideddin’in kızıydı. İki yaş büyük ablası Neslişah Sultan’la beraber hanedanın hem Aziz soyundan hemde Mecid soyundan gelen ikinci mensubuydu. Dünyaya gözlerini açtığı sırada büyükbabası Abdülmecid Efendi Halife-i Müslimin ve hanedan reisi olması hasebiyle Dolmabahçe Sarayı’nda ikamet etmekteydi ve ikinci doğacak olan torunununda resmî bir yerde doğmasını arzu ettiği için Faruk Efendi ile Sabiha Sultan doğuma yakın bir zamanda ikamet ettikleri Tophane Müşiri Zeki Paşa Yalısından Dolmabahçe’ye taşınmışlardı.Ve nihayet 18 Eylül’ü 19 Eylül’e bağlayan gece Sabiha ve Faruk çiftinin ikinci kız çocukları dünyaya geldi. 

Hanzade Sultan’ın ablası Neslişah Sultan kız kardeşinin doğumunu şu sözlerle anlatıyor: “Bir gece, dadımla beraber odamda idim ama sarayda bir koşuşturma vardı. Birileri gelip dadımı çağırdı, beni odada tek başıma bırakıp gitti. Meğerse, annem zor bir doğum yapıyormuş…Sonra, her taraf zifirî karanlık oldu. Bütün ışıkları yakmışlar, prizlere âletler  takmışlar ve sigortalar atmış. Bizim kaldığımız odadaki prize de su ısıtmak için bir âlet takılıydı, oda karanlığa gömüldü ve korkudan perişan oldum. Ertesi gün ‘Kardeşin geldi, büyükbaban sana onu gösterecek, seni çağırtıyor’ dediler…Beni bir küçük salona götürdüler…Kapı açılınca büyükbabamı ortadaki çini sobanın yanında, ayakta dururken gördüm. Hanzade de kucağındaydı, ‘Bak güzel kızım, sana bir kardeş geldi, gelirken de bu hediyeleri getirdi. Haydi, şimdi gel de kardeşini öp’ dedi.Bir de baktım ki oda tepeleme oyuncak dolu, yani saraya âdetâ bir oyuncakçı dükkanını taşımışlar…tabiî son derecede memnum oldum ve büyükbabamın dediğini yaptım, gidip kardeşimi kucakladım…”

Tumturaklı isimlerden pek bir hoşlanan Abdülmecid Efendi ilk torununa Neslişah ismini vermişti, ikinci kız torununa ise “Hanzade” ismini uygun gördü. O sırada İtalya’nın San Remo şehrinde ikamet eden ve torunlarının “Şahbaba” diye hitap ettikleri Sultan Vahideddin ise torununa “Zehra” ismini verdi, böylece küçük sultanın adı “Zehra Hanzade” olmuş oldu. 

Hanzade Sultan’ın doğumundan tam 166 gün sonra Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi Hilafeti kaldırdı ve 431 sayılı kanunla Osmanlı Hanedanının ülke sınırlarının dışına çıkarılmasına karar verildi. 5.5 aylık küçük sultan ailesiyle beraber Çatalca’dan bindikleri ekspresle Avrupa’ya doğru yola çıktı. Önlerinde vatan hasretiyle dolu elem ve keder dolu günler vardı. 

Hanzade Sultan’ın teyzesi Ulviye Sultan ile kuzini Hümeyra Hanımsultan şahbabalarının yanına San Remo’ya gittiler. Sabiha Sultan ise kızları Neslişah ve Hanzade’yle beraber eşi ve kayınpederinin yanına İsviçre’nin Territet kasabasına gitti. Halife Abdülmecid Efendi’nin sürgündeki ilk durağı  İsviçre’nin Territet kasabasıydı ve Grand Hotel’e yerleşmişti, ancak Cumhuriyet hükümetiyle ilgili yaptığı bazı açıklamalardan rahatsız olan tarafsız İsviçre hükümetinin baskısı ve İsviçre’nin pahalılığı nedeniyle Halife 7 ay sonra Fransa’nın Nice şehrine taşınmaya karar verdi. Nice’e avdetlerinden 1.5 yıl sonra 15 Mayıs 1926’da Neslişah’la Hanzade’nin küçük kız kardeşleri “Necla Hibetullah” dünyaya geldi. Sultanların çocuklukları ve gençliklerinin ilk dönemleri bu güzel Akdeniz şehrinde geçti. İlk eğitimlerini önce bir özel okulda sonrada bir devlet okulunda aldılar, İngilizce,Fransızca ve Almanca öğrendiler. Türkçe okuma yazmayı küçük sultanlara Naciye Sultan’ın eşi Kamil Bey (Killigil) öğretti, aynı şekilde dini eğitimlerinide evde aldılar.

Ancak kendi dillerini iyi öğrenmeleri ve unutmamaları için evde Türkçe’den başka bir dil konuşmaları yasaktı, özellikle Neslişah Sultan’ın tabiriyle çok eski kafalı olan babası Ömer Faruk Efendi evde Türkçe konuşulmasına çok dikkat ediyor ve kızların kendi aralarında başka bir lisan konuştukları duyarsa çok kızıyordu. Halife’nin çok kısıtlı bir bütçesi olduğu için küçük sultanların etekleri yırtılınca yeni etek alamayıp günlerce okula gidemedikleri günler oluyordu. 1931 senesinin Kasım ayında Halife’nin kızı Dürrüşehvar Sultan (1914-2006) Haydarabad Nizamı’nın büyük oğlu Prens Azam Jah’la evlenince aile ekonomik olarak biraz rahatladı. 

1938 senesinde Faruk Efendi Avrupa’da yeni bir dünya harbi çıkacağı endişesiyle ailesiyle beraber Mısır’a taşınmaya karar verdi. Oğlu ve torunlarının Mısır’a avdet etmelerinden sonra Nice’deki monoton hayatından sıkılan Abdülmecid Efendi eşleri ve maiyetiyle beraber Paris’e taşındı. Hanzade Sultan ve ailesi önce İskenderiye’ye ordanda Kahire’ye taşındılar. İkinci Dünya Savaşı başlayınca Halife oğluna eskisi gibi para gönderemez oldu ve ekonomik olarak çok sıkıntıyı çekmeye başladılar. Bu sıkıntıdan kurtulmanın tek çaresi sultanların maddi açıdan güçlü kişilerle izdivaç etmeleriydi. 

1940 senesine gelindiğinde üç kardeşten en büyükleri Neslişah 19, Hanzade 17, Necla ise 14 yaşındaydı. İlk evlenen Hanzade Sultan oldu, Mısır Hanedanından Kavalalı Mehmed Ali Paşa’nın torunu Prens Muhammed İbrahim (1879-1906)  ile Prenses Fazile Zübeyde’nın (1878-1900) oğulları Prens Mehmed Ali İbrahim’le (1900-1977) evlendi. Bir hafta sonrada Neslişah Sultan son Mısır Hıdivi Abbas Hilmi Paşa’nın oğlu Prens Muhammed Abdülmünim’le (1899-1979) evlendi. Neslişah ve Hanzade artık Osmanlı prensesi unvanları dışında Mısır prensesi unvanını da taşıyorlardı. 

Hanzade Sultan ve eşi Prens Mehmed Ali balayı için önce İsviçre’ye ordanda Paris’e gittiler. Çiftin ilk çocukları Prenses Fazile 1941’de ikinci çocukları Prens Ahmed Rifat ise 1942’de dünyaya geldi. Sultanların en küçüğü Necla Sultan ise ablalarından üç sene sonra 1943’de Hanzade’nin eşi Prens Mehmed Ali’nin kardeşi Prens Amr İbrahim (1903-1977) evlendi. Savaşın ardından Hanzade Sultan eşi ve çocuklarıyla beraber tekrar Kahire’ye geldi ve 1952’de Mısır’da yapılan ihtilale kadar Kahire’de yaşadılar. 

1952’de askeri cuntanın Kral Faruk’u tahttan indirmesinin ardından Hanzade Sultan eşi ve çocuklarıyla beraber Paris’in şık semti Passy’e taşındı, 1953’de askeri cunta hükümetinin krallığı tamamen kaldırması ve resmen cumhuriyeti ilan etmesiyle Mısır Hanedanından olan tüm prens ve prenseslerin Mısır’daki şahsi mal ve mülklerine el konulup banka hesapları da bloke edildi, tüm mal ve mülklerine el konulurken Hanzade Sultan ve eşi Prens Mehmed Ali çocuklarıyla beraber Paris’teydiler. Mısır’daki ihtilalden sonra hanedan mensuplarının vize alıp yurt dışına çıkmalarına müsaade verilmiyordu ancak en sonunda Neslişah Sultan’a Mısır uyruklu değilde Türk uyruklu olduğu için vize verildi ve sultan çocuklarını da alıp İstanbul’a gitti. Çocuklarını ihtilal görmüş olan Mısır’a geri götürmek istemeyen Neslişah Sultan zor durumdaydı ve imdadına Paris’teki kız kardeşi Hanzade ve eniştesi Prens Mehmed Ali yetişti. 

Neslişah Sultan o sıkıntılı günleri şöyle anlatıyor: “Kızım rahatsızlanmıştı, herkes bana ‘İnsan ihtilâl görmüş böyle bir memlekette çocuklarını bırakır mı ? Sen deli misin, çocukları al, buradan başka yere götür’ diyordu. Bizim o zaman Mısır’dan çıkmamız zordu. Başka bir memlekete gidebilmemiz için çıkış vizesi almamız lâzımdı ama aileye vermiyorlardı. Bazılarımız belki gidebilirdik ama hep beraber ayrılmamız imkânsızdı. Hanedan kadınlarının Türkiye’ye giriş yasağı artık kalkmıştı ve İstanbul’a serbestçe gidebilirdim. Mısır makamlarına memleketime gitmek istediğimi söyledim ve aslen Mısırlı olmadığım yani Türk doğmuş olduğum için bana çıkış vizesini vermemezlik edemediler. Müsaade çıktı ve çocuklarımla beraber İstanbul’a geldim. Kocam , mecburen Kahire’de kalmıştı…İstanbul’da bir dostumuzun evine yerleştik. Bana Mısır’dan çıkmamı telkin edenlerin hepsiyle tek tek görüştüm ama kimseden bir yardım, medet gelmedi! Birgün kızkardeşim Hanzade’nin kocası Prens Mehmed Ali, Paris’ten İstanbul’a geldi. Bana ‘Neslişah, sana çok gücendim’ dedi. ‘Çocukların için herkesle görüşmüşsün fakat beni hatırlamadın. Unutma ki ben kardeşinin kocasıyım. Şimdiye kadar iki evlâdım vardı, seninkileri de alırım, bundan sonra dört evlâdım olur’. Çocukları onunla beraber Paris’e gönderdim ve Allah rahmet eylesin, Mehmed Ali ile Hanzade her iki çocuğuma da kendi evlâtları gibi baktılar…”

Hanzade’nin kızı Prenses Fazile 1957’de Irak Kralı Faysal’la nişanlandı ancak düğünden önce 14 Temmuz 1958’de Irak’ta yapılan ihtilalde Kral Faysal öldürüldü. Prenses Fazile 57’de yaşanan hadiselerden sekiz sene sonra 1965’de Suat Hayri Ürgüplü’nün oğlu Hayri Ürgüplü’yle, Prens Ahmed ise Halid Ziya Uşaklıgil ile Yunus Nadi’nin torunları  Emine Uşaklıgil ile evlendi.

Güzelliği,giyimi ve zarafetiyle Avrupa sosyetesinde herkesin hayran olduğu Hanzade Sultan kış aylarını genellikle Passy’deki evinde yaz aylarınıda Yeniköy’deki Burhanettin Sezaral Yalısı’nda ve kuzini Hümeyra Hanımsultan’ın eşi Halil Özbaş’la beraber işlettikleri Kuşadası Kısmet Otel’de geçiriyordu. 1971’de annesi Sabiha Sultan’ı 1977’de de eşi Prens Mehmed Ali İbrahim’i kaybeden Hanzade Sultan Paris-İstanbul-Kuşadası arasında kardeşleriyle beraber sessiz sakin bir hayat sürmeye devam etti. 

1997’de Paris Başkonsolosluğu’nda çok fazla davetlinin olmadığı bir toplantıda imparatorluk devri ilgili şu sözleri söyledi: ”Osmanlı arşivleri dünyanın en mükemmel arşivleri, bir gün tam açılırsa dünya üzerindeki tüm tarihi kitapların atılıp yeni ve doğru tarihin yazılması gerekecektir. Ben o günü bekliyorum umarım ömrüm yetişir. Osmanlı dünyanın hem en modern hemde dini ibadetini gerçek İslam’a uygun yapan Halife’nin yönettiği imparatorluktu.”

Şahbabası Sultan Vahideddin’in bütün arşivi Hanzade Sultan’’daydı ve Murat Bardakçı’nın meşhur “Şahbaba” kitabı Hanzade Sultan’ın kendisine verdiği bu arşiv sayesinde yazıldı. Ancak güzelliği,zarafeti ve cedlerinden aldığı kuvvetle herkesin üzerinde unutulmayacak bir tesir bırakan Hanzade Sultan şahbabasının senelerce muhafaza ettiği arşivi sayesinde yazılmış olan kitabın yayımlandığını göremeden çok sevdiği annesi Sabiha Sultan’ın doğum tarihinde 19 Mart 1998’de bu fani dünyaya veda etti. Zarafetin,asaletin ve güzelliğin en yüksek mertebeleri kendisinde zuhur etmiş olan Hanzade Sultan bâkî kalan kubbede hoş bir sadâ bırakarak hepsi taht sahibi olan dedelerinin yanına dar-i bekaya hicret ettiğinde tam 74.5 yaşındaydı. 

Paris’deki evinde Hakkın rahmetine kavuşan sultan efendinin muhterem naaşı bir hafta sonra İstanbul’a getirilerek 27 Mart 1998 Cuma günü Cuma namazından sonra Bebek Camii’nde kılınan cenaze namazının ardından Aşiyan Mezarlığında annesi Sabiha Sultan’ın yanındaki makberine tevdi edilerek ebediyete uğurlandı.. 

Sultan efendi, eminim gittiğiniz yerdede çok sevdiğiniz anneniz ve kardeşlerinizle beraber huzur ve mutululuk içindesinizdir. Mekanınız cennet ruhunuz şad olsun nurlar içinde yatın.

Kaynakça: M.Bardakçı, 2011: 64-257

Some images used on this blog are sourced from the internet and are assumed to be in the public domain. We make every effort to ensure proper attribution, but if you are the owner of an image and believe it has been used without proper permission, please contact us so we can give proper credit or remove the image as requested.

By Yavuz Tandoğan
From: Trabzon
Attending: Boğaziçi University, İstanbul
Age: 20 years old

The Ottomans, a renowned dynasty of global significance, were a Turkish family that governed three continents for six centuries. While they are predominantly recognized for their political decisions and military victories, the lesser-known intellectual dimensions of the Ottomans merit exploration alongside their political achievements.

Ottoman princes and sultans received meticulous education from an early age, tailored to the nobility of the dynasty. They cultivated expertise in diverse domains such as art, literature, crafts, politics, and administrative sciences, emerging as prominent figures in their respective fields.

Among these fields, literature stands out as the most prominent. In the Ottoman Empire, the dynasty and the elite palace circle regarded poetry as the highest form of expression, engaging in competition to produce superior literary works. This resulted in the creation of exquisite poems and the emergence of a cultural treasure known today as Divan literature.

The literary proficiency of the Ottoman dynasty, along with the poetry composed by its rulers, remains highly esteemed and is regarded as among the most significant contributions to classical Turkish literature.

The sultans’ poems cover a wide range of themes, including love, state affairs, praise of the Prophet, warfare, and reflections on life, forming a substantial portion of Divan literature. Notably, Suleiman the Magnificent, under the pseudonym “Muhibbi,” is the second most prolific writer among all Divan poets.

Below, we have included a selection of verses along with their explanations to exemplify the poetic works produced by the sultans:

Mehmed II (Mehmed the Conqueror)

Turkish:

İmtisal-i cahid-ü fillah oluptur niyetim
Din-i İslam’ın mücerret gayretidir gayretim

English Translation:

My intention is to serve an example of fighting in the way of Allah
All my efforts are solely dedicated to the religion of Islam

This poem not only reflects Mehmed’s ideology but also reveals the political trajectory pursued by the Ottoman state at that time.

Turkish:

Sâkiyâ mey sun ki bir gün lalezar elden gider
İrüşür fasl-ı hazan bağ ü bahar elden gider

English Translation:

Cupbearer, bring us a drink, for this rose garden will one day be lost
Autumn will arrive, and spring will pass

Here, it is suggested that the state’s strong position at that time will eventually fade, and there is a desire to cherish the present days with this awareness.

Selim I (Selim the Resolute)

Turkish:

Şirler pençe-i kahrımda olurken lerzan
Beni bir gözleri ahuya zebun etti felek

English Translation:

While the lions tremble under my heavy paws
Fate made me weak and fond of one with hazel eyes 

According to the rumor, while Selim I was on a campaign in Egypt, a maid in his service fell in love with him. In the well-known story surrounding them, he composed this poem as a memento after the maid, overwhelmed by excitement and fear, died just before she could confess her love.

Suleiman I (Suleiman the Magnificent)

Turkish:

Halk içinde muteber bir nesne yok devlet gibi
Olmaya devlet cihanda bir nefes sıhhat gibi 

English Translation:

There is nothing more prestigious than the state in the eyes of the people.
I wish the state in the world were like a breath of health.

The Sultan underscores the significance of health here, suggesting that a healthy breath would be as esteemed as a crucial institution, such as the state, in the eyes of the Turkish people.

Selim II 

Turkish:

Biz bülbül-ü muhrik dem-i şekva-yı firakız
Ateş kesilir geçse saba gülşenimizden

English Translation:

We are the nightingale with a burning breath complaining about separation from our love
If the morning wind passes through our garden, it turns into fire

Selim II compares himself to a nightingale, lamenting that he cries out in anguish due to separation from his lover. He asserts that even the wind blowing beside him will be transformed into fire because of the intensity of his pain, he exaggerates.

Mustafa III

Turkish:

Yıkılıpdur bu cihan sanma ki bizde düzele
Devleti çarh-ı deni verdi kamu müptezele
Şimdi ebvab-ı saadette gezen hep hazele
İşimiz kaldı heman merhamet-i lemyezele

English Translation:

Don’t think we’re doing well when the world is falling apart
The vile fate left the affairs of state to worthless people
Now, those who walk around the gates of happiness are always disgraceful people
Our solution is left to the mercy of the Eternal (Allah)

Mustafa III discusses the dire state of affairs during that period, highlighting the appointment of unqualified individuals to state positions, and perceives divine mercy as the sole remedy for this predicament.

Mahmud II 

Turkish:

Dü alemde kıl istishab Han Mahmud-u Adli’yi
Senindir evvel ü ahirde devlet ya Resulallah

English Translation:

Keep Mahmud Khan with you in both worlds and include him in your conversations
O Messenger of Allah, wealth and sovereignty are yours, both before and after

In this poem, Mahmud II expresses his love for the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) and seeks his assistance for both this world and hereafter.

Mehmed V 

Turkish:

Savlet etmişti Çanakkal’a’ya bahr u berden
Ehl-i İslam’ın iki hasm-ı kavisi birden
Lakin imdad-ı ilahi yetişip ordumuza
Oldu her bir neferi kal‘a-i pulad-beden

English Translation:

They attacked the Dardanelles from both land and sea
Two formidable enemies of Muslims together
But divine assistance came to our army
Each of our soldiers became a castle with a steel body

Sultan Mehmed V composed this poem while the Gallipoli Campaign was ongoing. Furthermore, it is an example of the last poems written by the sultans.

As can be understood from these unique verses, of which we can only include some, the underlying cultural background and worldview of the Ottomans also manifest themselves in the field of literature. The Ottomans’ appreciation for beauty and the aesthetic pleasure inherent in their subconscious permeate every field they engaged with.

Some images used on this blog are sourced from the internet and are assumed to be in the public domain. We make every effort to ensure proper attribution, but if you are the owner of an image and believe it has been used without proper permission, please contact us so we can give proper credit or remove the image as requested.